政治中心/綜合報導
總統馬英九以中華民國總統的身分,於今(23)日投書美國媒體《今日美國報》(USA Today)指出,在馬習會中他要求中國國家主席習近平,針對台灣面臨的軍事威脅、國際空間遭擠壓等議題,採取具體措施,並稱台灣絕未為了「馬習會」在民主或自由方面做出任何讓步。
▲馬習會中馬英九與習近平握手。(圖/總統府提供)
馬英九以「當我稱呼『習先生』(When I said 'Mr Xi')」為題談論馬習會,在文章第一段提「我以『台灣領導人』的身分與『國大陸領導人』習近平先生會面」、「本人與習
先生彼此以『先生』互稱,而非『總統/國家主席』強調馬習會只有一個目的,就是鞏固台海前所未見的和平與繁榮。
馬英九表示,雙方堅持「一個中國」,同意能在「一中」實際內涵上各自表述,「九二共識」是兩岸關係的重要基礎,早已成為兩岸現狀的一部分。馬英九指出,我方首度直接向陸方表達,我方非常關切大陸對台軍事部署,以及台灣遭擠壓的國際空間,「我力促習先生展現善意並採取具體行動」。
馬英九表示,馬習會廣受國際社會歡迎,舉出英國《經濟學人》專欄指出「此次峰會或許是中國大陸領導人自1980年代初期以來,在主權核心議題上所做的最大讓步」,馬英九針對專欄評論指出,這點或許沒錯,但「台灣絕未為了『馬習會』在民主或自由方面做出任何讓步」。馬英九還說,無論是他或她繼任總統,如果堅持「九二共識」所打造的基礎,必能維持臺海和平與繁榮的現狀。
▲馬英九以「當我稱呼習先生」為題投書美媒。(圖/翻攝自《USA TODAY》)
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馬英九投書原文:
When I said 'Mr. Xi': Ma Ying Jeou
In my role as the “leader of Taiwan” I met my counterpart, the “leader of mainland China," Mr. Xi Jinping, in Singapore on Nov. 7. Leaders from the two sides had not met for 70 years, since Chiang Kai Shek met Mao Zedong in 1945, right before the Chinese civil war broke out. Mr. Xi and I addressed each other as “Mister” instead of “President.” For our dinner, we split the bill. I met Mr. Xi for one purpose: to consolidate the unprecedented peace and prosperity in the Taiwan Strait.
I set some goals for the meeting beforehand. Domestically, I aimed to establish a transparent process that people can trust. In cross-strait relations, I was striving to establish a model of equality and dignity for future interactions between the leaders from the two sides. Internationally, Mr. Xi and I have jointly conveyed a strong message of peace, which is in the best interests of Taiwan, mainland China and the United States.
The meeting demonstrated that the two sides have established a way to resolve disputes peacefully. It helped build a bridge across the Taiwan Strait, establishing a new model whereby the two leaders can continue to meet in equality and dignity.
For the first time the leaders of the two sides formally endorsed the "1992 Consensus," in which both sides insist on “one China” but agreed to disagree on what that means in a practical sense. For Taiwan, it means the Republic of China (Taiwan). This consensus is the critical foundation of cross-strait relations and had long become a part of the status quo.
This meeting also marked the first time our side directly conveyed to the mainland side our deep concerns about military deployment against Taiwan, as well as Taiwan’s squeezed international space. I urged Mr. Xi to show goodwill and take concrete action.
The Ma-Xi meeting is widely welcomed by the international community and supported by a strong majority in domestic polls. A recent column in The Economist stated that “the summit was perhaps the biggest concession on a core issue of sovereignty any (mainland) Chinese leader has made since the early 1980s.” That may be true, but Taiwan made absolutely no concessions on democracy or freedom to make this meeting happen.
Beyond concessions, however, this meeting was the culmination of a long process in which the two sides made 23 agreements on cross-strait relations in the seven years since I took office. Through that process, both leaders have acknowledged that only peace will pave the way to a win-win destination.
Without the bit-by-bit accumulation of goodwill over seven years of rapprochement, Mr. Xi and I may not have trusted each other enough to meet in Singapore. This mutual trust is precious — but vulnerable. It is founded on the 1992 Consensus: “one China, respective interpretations.” Some have called that consensus a “masterpiece of ambiguity.” Ambiguous or not, it works well and is now the master plan for peace in the Taiwan Strait.
I believe that whoever succeeds me as president will be able to maintain the status quo of peace and prosperity in the Taiwan Strait if he or she sticks to the foundation forged by the 1992 Consensus.